Author: Carsten Agger

Mubarak satte sine bøller ind

I gårsdagens dækning af begivenhederne i Ægypten undrede det mig noget, at stort set alle medier – herunder både Jyllands-Posten og Politiken – ukritisk viderebragte forlydender om, at “Mubarak-tro demonstranter” havde angrebet den store demonstration for demokrati på Tahrir-pladsen.

Hvor tror man egentlig, at disse regimetro demonstranter kommer fra? De er (jeg havde nær sagt selvfølgelig) regimets betalte bøller, som mange gange før er blevet sat ind mod fredelige forsøg på at sætte en ny dagsorden i landet.

Ahdaf Soueif forklarer i The Guardian:

Who are these people? In support of the president, they throw Molotov bottles and plant pots from the tops of buildings onto the heads of women and children. To establish stability and order, they break heads with rocks and legs with bicycle chains. To have their say in the debate they slash faces with knives. Who are they? Well, every time one of them is captured his ID says he’s a member of the security forces. And his young captors simply hand him to the military who are standing by.

So, the regime once again displays its banality; unable to come up with any move that is decent or innovative, it resorts to its usual mix of brutality and lies. On Tuesday night President Mubarak came on TV and patronised the rest of the country by claiming that Egyptians were in the grip of fear, and pretended that his regime which has been de-developing the country and stealing the bread from people’s mouths is now suddenly equipped to “respond to the demands of our young people”. He reminded the people of his (now ancient) history as an air force pilot and added a tearjerker about being an old man who wanted die in his country.

And the next morning, not 12 hours after the president’s emotional appeal, the regime turned loose its thugs on the street. The same tactics that have been used against protesters over the last five years, the same tactics in force at the last elections to scare voters off the streets, appeared and with redoubled viciousness. This is the regime that is going to listen to the people and use the coming months to put in reforms. Sure.

Mine fremhævelser. Læs det hele.

Ægypten: Kvinden, der startede det hele

Det begyndte blandt andet med dette YouTube-indlæg fra 18. januar, der spredte sig som en lynild på Facebook og andre steder og var med til at fjerne folks frygt.

Kvinden, der taler, er 26-årige Asmaa Mahfouz:

“Sitting home and just following us on news or on Facebook leads to our humiliation — it leads to my humiliation!

If you have honor and dignity as a man, come and protect me, and other girls in the protest. if you stay home, you deserve what’s being done to you, and you will be guilty before your nation and your people. Go down to the street, send SMSes, post it on the internet, make people aware.”

Via Boing Boing.

Den ægyptiske revolution – Q&A

Hossam el-Hamalawy, en ægyptisk blogger og journalist, der er meget aktiv i disse dages begivenheder,  havde i går lejlighed til at besvare spørgsmål fra Washington Posts læsere:

Boston, Mass.: How long before Mubarak steps down?

If he does, do you worry about a power vacuum?

Do you see ElBaradei as property interim leader until free and fair elections can be held?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: I see him stepping down pretty soon or else he will be taken into custody of the protestors and will be put on trial.

I do not worry about power vacuum because the people are already taking initiatives on the ground to fill any security or political vacuums as we saw in the case of the popular committee that are running security now in the Egyptian neighborhoods, following the evacuation of the police.

Regarding ElBaradei, I do not want to see him as an interim leader because he will diffuse the revolution, not take it forward.

_______________________

Sheffield, U.K.: Which are the opposition parties capable of replacing Mubarak and will they respect the call for elections?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: I don’t see any of the current opposition groups capable of providing an alternative at the moment. And what I hope for is that we end up with direct democracy, not liberal democracy. Direct democracy is based on collective decision-making from below based on the committees that are springing up now in the neighborhoods and hopefully soon in the factories.

Liberal democracy is voting for rich fat cats once every five years.

_______________________

Bluffton, Ohio: As a university student interested in social justice and social change, what can American students alike do to help during this situation?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: They can protest in the front of the Egyptian embassies and consulates and pressure their own government into cutting the aid they give to the Mubarak dictatorship.

_______________________

Durham, N.C.: How much truth is there to rumors that police are behind the looting?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: These rumors are largely through many of those criminal thugs who work closely with the police who use them against political dissidents previously in elections and in protests.

_______________________

Coon Rapids, MN: Do you think the new government will be a secular one?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: At the moment it is very hard to say what the outcome of the uprising will be since it’s not over yet. However, the Islamic forces are not running the show. Personally I’m hoping for a secular system.

_______________________

New York, NY: I am a Coptic Christian and would like to know if Coptic youth are taking part in the protests? And if you have spoken to any of them what are their hopes for Coptic rights if the regime leaves? Please give us some information. Thank you.

Hossam el-Hamalawy: Despite the call by the Coptic church in Egypt not to take part in the protests because the church is closely affiliated to the Mubarak regime but many of the Coptic youth are taking part in the uprising and the Muslim protesters largely welcome that and in demonstrations there are always slogans chanted by the demonstrators calling for unity between Copts and Muslims against the regime and denouncing sectarianism.

_______________________

London: What does “diffusing the revolution” mean for you? What is the aim of this revolution if not an interim leader and then a properly and freely elected new government?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: The revolution for me is about radical redistribution of wealth and a government that will represent the will of the Egyptian people when it comes to civil liberties in addition to a pro-resistance stand vis a vis the U.S. hegemony on the region and Israel. ElBaradei is not the man for that.

_______________________

Toronto, Canada: We see the size of the street protests but what types of organizations are springing up to organize these? For instance neighbourhood committees, factory committees, political parties. Or is it still primarily “spontaneous” and localized organizations?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: In many cases the protests are spontaneous but slowly there are grassroots organizations that are mushrooming to manage the protests, including the neighborhood committees, the few independent trade unions we have and hopefully soon factory committees.

_______________________

London: Do you see this as a popular, mass led, revolution? What chance do the Muslim Brotherhood have of hijacking it?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: It is a popular mass revolution indeed. However, history is full of previous cases where groups have hijacked the uprisings. Up until now the Brotherhood have not presented themselves as an alternative to Mubarak. But who knows about tomorrow?

_______________________

Washington, DC: If Mubarak steps down, is there a fear that a radical regime will take his place instead of a democratic one? How likely is that to happen?

Hossam el-Hamalawy: If you are talking radical, like in radical redistribution of wealth and active support for the spread of regional dissent against both the local Arab dictators and the western backers, then we welcome the radicalism. But if it was radicalism in the direction of religious fanatacism we definitely do not want that and I see no signs on the ground that religious fanatics are taking over.

Læs det hele!

I dag Ægypten, i morgen den arabiske verden?

Den ægyptisk/amerikanske journalist Mona Eltahawy skriver i The Guardian:

To understand the importance of what’s going in Egypt, take the barricades of 1968 (for a good youthful zing), throw them into a mixer with 1989 and blend to produce the potent brew that the popular uprising in Egypt is preparing to offer the entire region. It’s the most exciting time of my life.

How did they do it? Why now? What took so long? These are the questions I face on news shows scrambling to understand. I struggle with the magnitude of my feelings of watching as my country revolts and I give into tears when I hear my father’s Arabic-inflected accent in the English of Egyptian men screaming at television cameras through tear gas: “I’m doing this for my children. What life is this?”

And Arabs from the Mashreq to the Maghreb are watching, egging on those protesters to topple Hosni Mubarak who has ruled Egypt for 30 years, because they know if he goes, all the other old men will follow, those who have smothered their countries with one hand and robbed them blind with the other. Mubarak is the Berlin Wall. “Down, down with Hosni Mubarak,” resonates through the whole region.

In Yemen, tens and thousands have demanded the ousting of Ali Abdullah Saleh who has ruled them for 33 years. Algeria, Libya and Jordan have had their protests. “I’m in Damascus, but my heart is in Cairo,” a Syrian dissident wrote to me.

My Twitter feed explodes with messages of support and congratulations from Saudis, Palestinians, Moroccans and Sudanese. The real Arab League; not those men who have ruled and claimed to speak in our names and who now claim to feel our pain but only because they know the rage that emerged in Tunisia will soon be felt across the region.

Aljazeera rapporterer, at tropperne i Alexandria og Cairo afviser at skyde på demonstranterne, hvis der kommer ordrer til det:

Al Jazeera’s Ayman Mohyeldin, reporting from the capital, said that soldiers deployed to central Cairo did not intervene in the protests.

“Some of the soldiers here have said that the only way for peace to come to the streets of Cairo is for Mubarak to step down,” he said. (…)

In Suez, Al Jazeera’s Jamal ElShayyal reported that 1,000-2,000 protesters had gathered, and that the military was not confronting them.

ElShayyal quoted a military officer as saying that troops would “not fire a single bullet on Egyptians”.

The officer also said the only solution to the current unrest was “for Mubarak to leave”.

Her er en noget optimistisk besked om opfordring til oprør i andre arabiske lande, der nu cirkulerer på Twitter:

hashtag dates already being planned for Arab world – Sudan Yemen Syria Algeria Bahrain

Det er selvfølgelig alt, alt for tidligt at sige, om der vitterlig kommer til at ske noget andre steder end Ægypten og  Tunesien – og det er også for tidligt at sige, om disse lande overhovedet ender med at blive bedre steder, eller om endnu værre kræfter står og venter i kulissen, som Jarle Petterson er inde på.

Tariq Ramadan har udtrykt en lignende bekymring i en kommentar til udviklingen i Tunesien:

The Tunisian revolution is widely praised ; the former dictator disgraced. But behind the scenes of the public and media theatre, political maneuvering and meddling are continuing apace. The American administration is following developments closely, and is close to events as they unfold in Tunisia. It will do whatever is necessary to protect its interests, and those of Israel and of its allies in Egypt, Jordan and throughout the Middle East. While the issues of Iran and Lebanon appear to have monopolized American and European media attention, we must not minimize the second U.S. front, that of African and regional policy at the risk of naively hailing a “Tunisian revolution” without taking strict account of what remains to be done to ensure its political independence and democratic transparency. And of smiling at the bright promised victory while other forces cynically count, in the shadows, the dividends of their newfound influence and windfall profits.

Noget lignende gælder naturligvis og i endnu højere grad Ægypten.

Mubarak er allerede nu i en situation, hvor han ikke kan drukne oprøret i titusinders blod, som det skete under pariserkommunen i slutningen af det 19. århundrede. Og der er heller ingen, der siger, det behøver blive lige så blodigt som den franske revolution ca. 100 år før.

Det virker oplagt, at de ægyptiske demonstranter blot ønsker et bedre samfund: Jobs, frihed, åbenhed, retssikkerhed, væk med undertrykkelse, censur og politivold. Men: Står der også denne gang en Napoleon (eller en ayatollah Khomeini) klar i kulissen, som kan tage magten, når demonstranterne har jublet ud.

Man kan udtænke alle mulige blide overgange, når først Mubarak er rejst – og det ser det indtil videre ud til, at han faktisk kommer til. Spændende bliver det i hvert fald, og farligt.

Og lad mig dog alligevel slutte i en optimistisk stemning, nemlig med overskriften til Mona Eltahawys førstciterede Guardian-artikel: We’ve waited for this revolution for years. Other despots should quail.

George W. Bush og Mubarak

George W. Bush og Mubarak

“Our friendship is strong. It’s a cornerstone of — one of the main cornerstones of our policy in this region, and it’s based on our shared commitment to peace, security and prosperity.  I appreciate the opportunity, Mr. President, to give you an update on my trip. And I appreciate the advice you’ve given me. You’ve seen a lot in your years as President; you’ve got a great deal of experience, and I appreciate you feeling comfortable in sharing that experience once again with me.  I really appreciate Egypt’s support in the war on terror.”

Blot en kommentar til dette.

Ungdomsarbejdsløshed

I Spanien har man et udtryk for den situation, mange veluddannede fra de yngre generationer i dag befinder sig i: mileurismo. En mileurista er en person, der har arbejde og måske endda har kæmpet for at få det – men som alligevel og på trods af både uddannelse og erfaring ikke tjener mere end tusind euro om måneden og heller ikke har udsigt til at komme til det, nogensinde.

Begrebet er beslægtet med begrebet om precarity eller prekære, ustabile arbejdsforhold som de nye, faste vilkår for en voksende akademisk (og ikke-akademisk) underklasse i Europa. I Spanien taler man ligefrem om “el precariado”, “prækariatet” som en mere marginaliseret udgave af “proletariatet”: Folk, som efter deres uddannelse og erfaring “burde” have en middelklasseløn, men som med den nye struktur på arbejdsmarkedet aldrig kommer til at få andet end lavtlønnede, midlertidige stillinger, som næppe dækker blot den obligatoriske arbejdsløsheds- og sygeforsikring.

Og som sagt, typisk mindre end tusind euro om måneden: mileuristas.

Virkeligheden – og det, jeg lige studsede over – er dog, at en stor del af den næste generation i Spanien kommer til at ønske, de var “mileuristas”: 43,6% af alle spaniere mellem 18 og 24 år har intet arbejde og er ikke i gang med en uddannelse. Der er ingen udsigt til en bedring, og det kan i værste fald være en hel national tragedie, der er under opsejling, når halvdelen af en generation ender med at stå uden noget økonomisk grundlag overhovedet.

Og hvad gør politikerne, presset af situationens store nød? De hæver pensionsalderen, så flere arbejdsløse kan ende med at kæmpe endnu hårdere om de få jobs, der er at få. Minder det os monstro om noget?

Via Escolar.

Palestine Papers: Israel skyder sig selv i foden

Efter den lækkede afsløring af de palæstinensiske forhandleres utroligt vidtgående tilbud til israelerne og den arrogance, hvormed de alle blev modtaget uden antydning af vilje til at gøre blot den mindste indrømmelse til gengæld, mener den israelske journalist Gideon Levy, at Israel har forpasset sin chance og nu tværtimod står til at miste det meste af de områder, de møjsommeligt har erobret og besat:

One upon a time there was a farmer who wanted to save on feed. Every day he would reduce the amount of food for his horse, see that it worked, and continue cutting and cutting until the horse had nothing to eat. The horse died.

This hackneyed tale has now been revived, emerging from the Palestine Papers leaked to the Arabic satellite channel Al-Jazeera.

The Israeli farmer closed his hand, and the Palestinian horse was fit to die. One of them saved, the other expired. The Palestinians had already conceded most of their world, and greedy Tzipi Livni insisted: what about Har Homa and Maaleh Adumim?

Terror has stopped, they’re coordinating targeted killings to serve Israel. Selling their souls to the devil, they’re for the closure on Gaza. Mahmoud Abbas explains, like an Israeli propagandist, that the return of the refugees will destroy the state of Israel. Maybe 10,000 a year, they’re still trying – in vain. Livni doesn’t agree.

They conceded most of the settlements in Jerusalem, the Old City is also no longer exclusively in their hands, and nothing. Betar Ilit and Modi’in Ilit are ours, and that’s not enough for Israel, as if it has forgotten that the 1967 borders are the Palestinian compromise.

What more do we want? What more will Israel ask of the dying horse, a moment before it gives up the ghost? A Palestinian state in greater Abu Dis? Hatikvah as its anthem? And what will happen then, when the horse dies? A wild pony will emerge that will never agree to live under the conditions of the old horse.

Link: Israel will bever get a better deal than the one it rejected